By John Krige
In 1945, the USA was once not just the most powerful financial and army energy on the planet; it was once additionally the world's chief in technology and know-how. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technology in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar medical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the USA. They mobilized political and fiscal aid to advertise not only America's clinical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly battle political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this try out at clinical dominance by means of the usa could be noticeable as a sort of "consensual hegemony," regarding the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this idea to research a sequence of case reviews that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technology Committee, and influential individuals of the medical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia college and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize clinical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations learn. He information U.S. aid for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's learn indicates how consensual hegemony in technological know-how not just served the pursuits of postwar eu reconstruction yet grew to become differently of keeping American management and "making the realm secure for democracy."
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Extra resources for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe
This was disingenuous. As he said on 12 March, the risk to democracy came from economic distress and social disorder in countries with strong Communist parties. “The seeds of totalitarian regimes,” the president told the Congress, “are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope for a better life has died. ”11 Given the dramatic economic situation in Western Europe in the winter of 1946–47 and the growing strength of Communist parties in some countries, it was inevitable that the president would soon extend the scope of his aid program.
37 They wanted to share in the American dream. 28 Chapter 2 The Brussels Pact and the North Atlantic Treaty Within days of the Prague coup, Britain and France, along with the three Benelux countries (Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg) signed a defense agreement in Brussels. ”39 The five contracting parties declared themselves convinced of “the necessity of uniting in order to promote the economic recovery of Europe,” coordinating economies, improving standards of living, and enhancing understanding between their peoples.
One was military and logistical. 44 The other was political. The Truman administration, fearing the weight of isolationists in Congress, wanted to decouple a treaty intended essentially for the defense of Western Europe from its regional objectives and show that it was pertinent also to the defense of the North American continent. It was a difficult task, and not only in Congress. 47 The signing of the treaty did not quell disputes between the Europeans and the United States. The first concrete defense plans devised in Washington had the United States effectively abandon Europe at the onset of war.
American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe by John Krige