By John Walton
Chartism is a vital creation to the stream, and examines the debatable debates surrounding the subject. in addition to delivering a concise interval historical past, the writer contains dialogue of:* the Chartists' fiscal, legislative and political ambitions* styles of local and native help* purposes for the Chartist decline* the luck of Chartism within the mild of its objectives and its effect over the negative legislation, Corn legislation, alternate unions and manufacturing unit reform* the languages of Chartism - songs, gesture and propaganda.
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Additional info for Chartism (Lancaster Pamphlets)
They also feared the intervention of middle-class reformers, with their own priorities, in the movement; and the subsequent episode of the Complete Suffrage Union (CSU) suggests that their worries were not unfounded (Wiener, 1989 pp. 84–90; Epstein, 1982 pp. 240–5; D. Thompson, 1984 pp. 259–60). Joseph Sturge, a Quaker reformer from Birmingham with a track record of activism in (for example) the Birmingham Political Union, the anti-slavery movement and the campaign against a centralized police force, began his attempt to build a ‘complete suffrage’ movement in late 1841, pulling together outward-looking supporters of the Anti-Corn Law League who were frustrated by the narrowness of its concerns.
Three years later in 1837, the judicial repression of the Glasgow cotton spinners’ strike, when the leading officials of the union were tried for their lives for alleged conspiracy to murder a strikebreaker, and were transported for organizing illegal activities even though they were acquitted on the main charge, stimulated nationwide organization in support of the defendants and helped to pull trade unionists into political campaigns (D. Thompson, 1984 pp. 21–3). As befits the evidence for the political dimensions to trade union concerns, but contrary to some older interpretations, it is now clear that trade unions were actively involved in Chartist activities: many branches, as well as individual members, saw legislative intervention as the only way to level the playing field between masters and workers, and understood the Charter to be the only way of bringing this about (Musson, 1976; Sykes, in Epstein and Thompson (eds), 1982).
When Chartists won seats on local government bodies, as in Manchester and Salford (following up an established local radical tradition of municipal activism), in Leeds and in the Staffordshire Potteries, they tended to oppose 43 innovations which concentrated power (and especially policing) in local middle-class hands, but also attacked centralizing tendencies in national government and resisted increased local government expenditure. They preferred to work through those existing structures of government to which they had a measure of access, and it was from perspectives like these that Manchester’s Chartists opposed the incorporation of the town as a borough in 1838, which would (they argued) concentrate additional power in the hands of the large employers (Pickering, 1995 pp.
Chartism (Lancaster Pamphlets) by John Walton